In 1947, when the United Nations proposed the partition plan of a
Jewish state and an Arab state, the entire Arab world rejected the
resolution. The Jewish community, by contrast, welcomed it by dancing
and rejoicing.
The Arabs rejected any Jewish state, in any borders.
Those who think that the continued enmity toward Israel is a
product of our presence in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, is confusing
cause and consequence.
The attacks against us began in the 1920s, escalated into a
comprehensive attack in 1948 with the declaration of Israel's
independence, continued with the fedayeen attacks in the 1950s, and
climaxed in 1967, on the eve of the Six-Day War, in an attempt to
tighten a noose around the neck of the State of Israel.
All this occurred during the fifty years before a single Israeli
soldier ever set foot in Judea and Samaria.
Fortunately, Egypt and Jordan left this circle of enmity. The
signing of peace treaties have brought about an end to their claims
against Israel, an end to the conflict. But to our regret, this is
not the case with the Palestinians. The closer we get to an agreement
with them, the further they retreat and raise demands that are
inconsistent with a true desire to end the conflict.
Many good people have told us that withdrawal from territories is
the key to peace with the Palestinians. Well, we withdrew. But the
fact is that every withdrawal was met with massive waves of terror,
by suicide bombers and thousands of missiles.
We tried to withdraw with an agreement and without an agreement.
We tried a partial withdrawal and a full withdrawal. In 2000 and
again last year, Israel proposed an almost total withdrawal in
exchange for an end to the conflict, and twice our offers were
rejected.
We evacuated every last inch of the Gaza Strip, we uprooted tens
of settlements and evicted thousands of Israelis from their homes,
and in response, we received a hail of missiles on our cities, towns
and children.
The claim that territorial withdrawals will bring peace with the
Palestinians, or at least advance peace, has up till now not stood
the test of reality.
In addition to this, Hamas in the south, like Hezbollah in the
north, repeatedly proclaims their commitment to 'liberate' the
Israeli cities of Ashkelon, Beersheba, Acre and Haifa. Territorial
withdrawals have not lessened the hatred, and to our regret,
Palestinian moderates are not yet ready to say the simple words:
Israel is the nation-state of the Jewish people, and it will stay
that way.
Achieving peace will require courage and candor from both sides,
and not only from the Israeli side. The Palestinian leadership must
arise and say: 'Enough of this conflict. We recognize the right of
the Jewish people to a state of their own in this land, and we are
prepared to live beside you in true peace.'
I am yearning for that moment, for when Palestinian leaders say
those words to our people and to their people, then a path will be
opened to resolving all the problems between our peoples, no matter
how complex they may be.
Therefore, a fundamental prerequisite for ending the conflict is a
public, binding and unequivocal Palestinian recognition of Israel as
the nation state of the Jewish people.
To vest this declaration with practical meaning, there must also
be a clear understanding that the Palestinian refugee problem will be
resolved outside Israel`s borders. For it is clear that any demand
for resettling Palestinian refugees within Israel undermines Israel's
continued existence as the state of the Jewish people.
The Palestinian refugee problem must be solved, and it can be
solved, as we ourselves proved in a similar situation. Tiny Israel
successfully absorbed tens of thousands of Jewish refugees who left
their homes and belongings in Arab countries. Therefore, justice and
logic demand that the Palestinian refugee problem be solved outside
Israel`s borders. On this point, there is a broad national
consensus. I believe that with goodwill and international investment,
this humanitarian problem can be permanently resolved.
So far I have spoken about the need for Palestinians to recognize
our rights. In am moment, I will speak openly about our need to
recognize their rights.
But let me first say that the connection between the Jewish
people and the Land of Israel has lasted for more than 3500 years.
Judea and Samaria, the places where Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, David
and Solomon, and Isaiah and Jeremiah lived, are not alien to us.
This is the land of our forefathers.
The right of the Jewish people to a state in the land of Israel
does not derive from the catastrophes that have plagued our people.
True, for 2000 years the Jewish people suffered expulsions, pogroms,
blood libels, and massacres which culminated in a Holocaust - a
suffering which has no parallel in human history.
There are those who say that if the Holocaust had not occurred,
the state of Israel would never have been established. But I say
that if the state of Israel would have been established earlier, the
Holocaust would not have occurred.
This tragic history of powerlessness explains why the Jewish
people need a sovereign power of self-defense.
But our right to build our sovereign state here, in the land of
Israel, arises from one simple fact: this is the homeland of the
Jewish people, this is where our identity was forged.
As Israel`s first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion proclaimed in
Israel`s Declaration of Independence: 'The Jewish people arose in the
land of Israel and it was here that its spiritual, religious and
political character was shaped. Here they attained their sovereignty,
and here they bequeathed to the world their national and cultural
treasures, and the most eternal of books.'
But we must also tell the truth in its entirety: within this
homeland lives a large Palestinian community. We do not want to rule
over them, we do not want to govern their lives, we do not want to
impose either our flag or our culture on them.
In my vision of peace, in this small land of ours, two peoples
live freely, side-by-side, in amity and mutual respect. Each will
have its own flag, its own national anthem, its own government.
Neither will threaten the security or survival of the other.
These two realities - our connection to the land of Israel, and
the Palestinian population living within it - have created deep
divisions in Israeli society. But the truth is that we have much more
that unites us than divides us.
I have come tonight to give expression to that unity, and to the
principles of peace and security on which there is broad agreement
within Israeli society. These are the principles that guide our
policy.
This policy must take into account the international situation
that has recently developed. We must recognize this reality and at
the same time stand firmly on those principles essential for Israel.
I have already stressed the first principle - recognition.
Palestinians must clearly and unambiguously recognize Israel as the
state of the Jewish people. The second principle is:
demilitarization. The territory under Palestinian control must be
demilitarized with ironclad security provisions for Israel.
Without these two conditions, there is a real danger that an armed
Palestinian state would emerge that would become another terrorist
base against the Jewish state, such as the one in Gaza. We don`t want
Kassam rockets on Petach Tikva, Grad rockets on Tel Aviv, or missiles
on Ben-Gurion airport. We want peace.
In order to achieve peace, we must ensure that Palestinians will
not be able to import missiles into their territory, to field an
army, to close their airspace to us, or to make pacts with the likes
of Hezbollah and Iran. On this point as well, there is wide consensus
within Israel.
It is impossible to expect us to agree in advance to the principle
of a Palestinian state without assurances that this state will be
demilitarized.
On a matter so critical to the existence of Israel, we must first
have our security needs addressed.
Therefore, today we ask our friends in the international
community, led by the United States, for what is critical to the
security of Israel: Clear commitments that in a future peace
agreement, the territory controlled by the Palestinians will be
demilitarized: namely, without an army, without control of its
airspace, and with effective security measures to prevent weapons
smuggling into the territory - real monitoring, and not what occurs
in Gaza today. And obviously, the Palestinians will not be able to
forge military pacts.
Without this, sooner or later, these territories will become
another Hamastan. And that we cannot accept.
I told President Obama when I was in Washington that if we could
agree on the substance, then the terminology would not pose a
problem.
And here is the substance that I now state clearly:
If we receive this guarantee regarding demilitarization and
Israel`s security needs, and if the Palestinians recognize Israel as
the State of the Jewish people, then we will be ready in a future
peace agreement to reach a solution where a demilitarized Palestinian
state exists alongside the Jewish state.
Regarding the remaining important issues that will be discussed as
part of the final settlement, my positions are known: Israel needs
defensible borders, and Jerusalem must remain the united capital of
Israel with continued religious freedom for all faiths.
The territorial question will be discussed as part of the final
peace agreement. In the meantime, we have no intention of building
new settlements or of expropriating additional land for existing
settlements.
But there is a need to enable the residents to live normal lives,
to allow mothers and fathers to raise their children like families
elsewhere. The settlers are neither the enemies of the people nor
the enemies of peace. Rather, they are an integral part of our
people, a principled, pioneering and Zionist public.
Unity among us is essential and will help us achieve
reconciliation with our neighbours. That reconciliation must already
begin by altering existing realities. I believe that a strong
Palestinian economy will strengthen peace.
If the Palestinians turn toward peace - in fighting terror, in
strengthening governance and the rule of law, in educating their
children for peace and in stopping incitement against Israel - we
will do our part in making every effort to facilitate freedom of
movement and access, and to enable them to develop their economy.
All of this will help us advance a peace treaty between us.
Above all else, the Palestinians must decide between the path of
peace and the path of Hamas. The Palestinian Authority will have to
establish the rule of law in Gaza and overcome Hamas. Israel will
not sit at the negotiating table with terrorists who seek their
destruction. Hamas will not even allow the Red Cross to visit our
kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit, who has spent three years in
captivity, cut off from his parents, his family and his people. We
are committed to bringing him home, healthy and safe.
With a Palestinian leadership committed to peace, with the active
participation of the Arab world, and the support of the United States
and the international community, there is no reason why we cannot
achieve a breakthrough to peace.
Our people have already proven that we can do the impossible.
Over the past 61 years, while constantly defending our existence, we
have performed wonders.
Our microchips are powering the world`s computers. Our medicines
are treating diseases once considered incurable. Our drip irrigation
is bringing arid lands back to life across the globe. And Israeli
scientists are expanding the boundaries of human knowledge.
If only our neighbours would respond to our call - peace too will be
in our reach.
I call on the leaders of the Arab world and on the Palestinian
leadership, let us continue together on the path of Menahem Begin and
Anwar Sadat, Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein. Let us realize the
vision of the prophet Isaiah, who in Jerusalem 2700 years ago said:
'nations shall not lift up sword against nation, and they shall learn
war no more.'
With God`s help, we will know no more war. We will know peace.
USA
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